The Light in Einstein’s Elevator

Gravity bends light!

Of all the audacious proposals made by Einstein, and there were many, this one takes the cake because it should be impossible.

There can be no force of gravity on light because light has no mass.  Without mass, there is no gravitational “interaction”.  We all know Newton’s Law of gravity … it was one of the first equations of physics we ever learned

Newtonian gravitation

which shows the interaction between the masses M and m through their product.  For light, this is strictly zero. 

How, then did Einstein conclude, in 1907, only two years after he proposed his theory of special relativity, that gravity bends light? If it were us, we might take Newton’s other famous equation and equate the two

Newton's second law

and guess that somehow the little mass m (though it equals zero) cancels out to give

Acceleration

so that light would fall in gravity with the same acceleration as anything else, massive or not. 

But this is not how Einstein arrived at his proposal, because this derivation is wrong!  To do it right, you have to think like an Einstein.

“My Happiest Thought”

Towards the end of 1907, Einstein was asked by Johannes Stark to contribute a review article on the state of the relativity theory to the Jahrbuch of Radioactivity and Electronics. There had been a flurry of activity in the field in the two years since Einstein had published his groundbreaking paper in Annalen der Physik in September of 1905 [1]. Einstein himself had written several additional papers on the topic, along with others, so Stark felt it was time to put things into perspective.

Photo of Einstein around 1905 during his Annis Mirabalis.
Fig. 1 Einstein around 1905.

Einstein was still working at the Patent Office in Bern, Switzerland, which must not have been too taxing, because it gave him plenty of time think. It was while he was sitting in his armchair in his office in 1907 that he had what he later described as the happiest thought of his life. He had been struggling with the details of how to apply relativity theory to accelerating reference frames, a topic that is fraught with conceptual traps, when he had a flash of simplifying idea:

“Then there occurred to me the ‘glucklichste Gedanke meines Lebens,’ the happiest thought of my life, in the following form. The gravitational field has only a relative existence in a way similar to the electric field generated by magnetoelectric induction. Because for an observer falling freely from the roof of a house there exists —at least in his immediate surroundings— no gravitational field. Indeed, if the observer drops some bodies then these remain relative to him in a state of rest or of uniform motion… The observer therefore has the right to interpret his state as ‘at rest.'”[2]

In other words, the freely falling observer believes he is in an inertial frame rather than an accelerating one, and by the principle of relativity, this means that all the laws of physics in the accelerating frame must be the same as for an inertial frame. Hence, his great insight was that there must be complete equivalence between a mechanically accelerating frame and a gravitational field. This is the very first conception of his Equivalence Principle.

Cover of the Jahrbuch for Radioactivity and Electronics from 1907.
Fig. 2 Front page of the 1907 volume of the Jahrbuch. The editor list reads like a “Whos-Who” of early modern physics.

Title page to Einstein's 1907 Jahrbuch review article
Fig. 3 Title page to Einstein’s 1907 Jahrbuch review article “On the Relativity Principle and its Consequences” [3]

After completing his review of the consequences of special relativity in his Jahrbuch article, Einstein took the opportunity to launch into his speculations on the role of the relativity principle in gravitation. He is almost appologetic at the start, saying that:

“This is not the place for a detailed discussion of this question.  But as it will occur to anybody who has been following the applications of the principle of relativity, I will not refrain from taking a stand on this question here.”

But he then launches into his first foray into general relativity with keen insights.

The beginning of the section where Einstein first discusses the effects of accelerating frames and effects of gravity
Fig. 4 The beginning of the section where Einstein first discusses the effects of accelerating frames and effects of gravity.

He states early in his exposition:

“… in the discussion that follows, we shall therefore assume the complete physical equivalence of a gravitational field and a corresponding accelerated reference system.”

Here is his equivalence principle. And using it, in 1907, he derives the effect of acceleration (and gravity) on ticking clocks, on the energy density of electromagnetic radiation (photons) in a gravitational potential, and on the deflection of light by gravity.

Over the next several years, Einstein was distracted by other things, such as obtaining his first university position, and his continuing work on the early quantum theory. But by 1910 he was ready to tackle the general theory of relativity once again, when he discovered that his equivalence principle was missing a key element: the effects of spatial curvature, which launched him on a 5-year program into the world of tensors and metric spaces that culminated with his completed general theory of relativity that he published in November of 1915 [4].

The Observer in the Chest: There is no Elevator

Einstein was never a stone to gather moss. Shortly after delivering his triumphal exposition on the General Theory of Relativity, he wrote up a popular account of his Special and now General Theories to be published as a book in 1916, first in German [5] and then in English [6]. What passed for a “popular exposition” in 1916 is far from what is considered popular today. Einstein’s little book is full of equations that would be somewhat challenging even for specialists. But the book also showcases Einstein’s special talent to create simple analogies, like the falling observer, that can make difficult concepts of physics appear crystal clear.

In 1916, Einstein was not yet thinking in terms of an elevator. His mental image at this time, for a sequestered observer, was someone inside a spacious chest filled with measurement apparatus that the observer could use at will. This observer in his chest was either floating off in space far from any gravitating bodies, or the chest was being pulled by a rope hooked to the ceiling such that the chest accelerates constantly. Based on the measurement he makes, he cannot distinguish between gravitational fields and acceleration, and hence they are equivalent. A bit later in the book, Einstein describes what a ray of light would do in an accelerating frame, but he does not have his observer attempt any such measurement, even in principle, because the deflection of the ray of light from a linear path would be far too small to measure.

But Einstein does go on to say that any curvature of the path of the light ray requires that the speed of light changes with position. This is a shocking admission, because his fundamental postulate of relativity from 1905 was the invariance of the speed of light in all inertial frames. It was from this simple assertion that he was eventually able to derive E = mc2. Where, on the one hand, he was ready to posit the invariance of the speed of light, on the other hand, as soon as he understood the effects of gravity on light, Einstein did not hesitate to cast this postulate adrift.

Position-dependent speed of light in relativity.

Fig. 5 Einstein’s argument for the speed of light depending on position in a gravitational field.

(Einstein can be forgiven for taking so long to speak in terms of an elevator that could accelerate at a rate of one g, because it was not until 1946 that the rocket plane Bell X-1 achieved linear acceleration exceeding 1 g, and jet planes did not achieve 1 g linear acceleration until the F-15 Eagle in 1972.)

Aircraft with greater than 1:1 thrust to weight ratios
Fig. 6 Aircraft with greater than 1:1 thrust to weight ratios.

The Evolution of Physics: Enter Einstein’s Elevator

Years passed, and Einstein fled an increasingly autocratic and belligerent Germany for a position at Princeton’s Institute for Advanced Study. In 1938, at the instigation of his friend Leopold Infeld, they decided to write a general interest book on the new physics of relativity and quanta that had evolved so rapidly over the past 30 years.

Title page of "Evolution of Physics" 1938 written with his friend Leopold Infeld at Princeton's Institute for Advanced Study.
Fig. 7 Title page of “Evolution of Physics” 1938 written with his friend Leopold Infeld at Princeton’s Institute for Advanced Study.

Here, in this obscure book that no-one remembers today, we find Einstein’s elevator for the first time, and the exposition talks very explicitly about a small window that lets in a light ray, and what the observer sees (in principle) for the path of the ray.

One of the only figures in the Einstein and Infeld book: The origin of "Einstein's Elevator"!
Fig. 8 One of the only figures in the Einstein and Infeld book: The origin of “Einstein’s Elevator”!

By the equivalence principle, the observer cannot tell whether they are far out in space, being accelerated at the rate g, or whether they are statinary on the surface of the Earth subject to a gravitational field. In the first instance of the accelerating elevator, a photon moving in a straight line through space would appear to deflect downward in the elevator, as shown in Fig. 9, because the elevator is accelerating upwards as the photon transits the elevator. However, by the equivalence principle, the same physics should occur in the gravitational field. Hence, gravity must bend light. Furthermore, light falls inside the elevator with an acceleration g, just as any other object would.

The accelerating elevator and what an observer inside sees (From "Galileo Unbound" (Oxford, 2018).
Fig. 9 The accelerating elevator and what an observer inside sees (From “Galileo Unbound” (Oxford, 2018). [7])

Light Deflection in the Equivalence Principle

A photon enters an elevator at right angles to its acceleration vector g.  Use the geodesic equation and the elevator (Equivalence Principle) metric [8]

to show that the trajectory is parabolic. (This is a classic HW problem from Introduction to Modern Dynamics.)

The geodesic equation with time as the dependent variable

This gives two coordinate equations

Note that x0 = ct and x1 = ct are both large relative to the y-motion of the photon.  The metric component that is relevant here is

and the others are unity.  The geodesic becomes (assuming dy/dt = 0)

The Christoffel symbols are

which give

Therefore

or

where the photon falls with acceleration g, as anticipated.

Light Deflection in the Schwarzschild Metric

Do the same problem of the light ray in Einstein’s Elevator, but now using the full Schwarzschild solution to the Einstein Field equations.

Schwarzschild metric

Einstein’s elevator is the classic test of virtually all heuristic questions related to the deflection of light by gravity.  In the previous Example, the deflection was attributed to the Equivalence Principal in which the observer in the elevator cannot discern whether they are in an acceleration rocket ship or standing stationary on Earth.  In that case, the time-like metric component is the sole cause of the free-fall of light in gravity.  In the Schwarzschild metric, on the other hand, the curvature of the field near a spherical gravitating body also contributes.  In this case, the geodesic equation, assuming that dr/dt = 0 for the incoming photon, is

where, as before, the Christoffel symbol for the radial displacements are

Evaluating one of these

The other Christoffel symbol that contributes to the radial motion is

and the geodesic equation becomes

with

The radial acceleration of the light ray in the elevator is thus

The first term on right is free-fall in gravity, just as was obtained from the Equivalence Principal.  The second term is a higher-order correction caused by curvature of spacetime.  The third term is the motion of the light ray relative to the curved ceiling of the elevator in this spherical geometry and hence is a kinematic (or geometric) artefact.  (It is interesting that the GR correction on the curved-ceiling correction is of the same order as the free-fall term, so one would need to be very careful doing such an experiment … if it were at all measurable.) Therefore, the second and third terms are curved-geometry effects while the first term is the free fall of the light ray.


  

Post-Script: The Importance of Library Collections

I was amused to see the library card of the scanned Internet Archive version of Einstein’s Jahrbuch article, shown below. The volume was checked out in August of 1981 from the UC Berkeley Physics Library. It was checked out again 7 years later in September of 1988. These dates coincide with when I arrived at Berkeley to start grad school in physics, and when I graduated from Berkeley to start my post-doc position at Bell Labs. Hence this library card serves as the book ends to my time in Berkeley, a truly exhilarating place that was the top-ranked physics department at that time, with 7 active Nobel Prize winners on its faculty.

During my years at Berkeley, I scoured the stacks of the Physics Library looking for books and journals of historical importance, and was amazed to find the original volumes of Annalen der Physik from 1905 where Einstein published his famous works. This was the same library where, ten years before me, John Clauser was browsing the stacks and found the obscure paper by John Bell on his inequalities that led to Clauser’s experiment on entanglement that won him the Nobel Prize of 2022.

That library at UC Berkeley was recently closed, as was the Physics Library in my department at Purdue University (see my recent Blog), where I also scoured the stacks for rare gems. Some ancient books that I used to be able to check out on a whim, just to soak up their vintage ambience and to get a tactile feel for the real thing held in my hands, are now not even available through Interlibrary Loan. I may be able to get scans from Internet Archive online, but the palpable magic of the moment of discovery is lost.

References:

[1] Einstein, A. (1905). Zur Elektrodynamik bewegter Körper. Annalen der Physik, 17(10), 891–921.

[2] Pais, A (2005). Subtle is the Lord: The Science and Life of Albert Einstein (Oxford University Press). pg. 178

[3] Einstein, A. (1907). Über das Relativitätsprinzip und die aus demselben gezogenen Folgerungen. Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik, 4, 411–462.

[4] A. Einstein (1915), “On the general theory of relativity,” Sitzungsberichte Der Koniglich Preussischen Akademie Der Wissenschaften, pp. 778-786, Nov.

[5] Einstein, A. (1916). Über die spezielle und die allgemeine Relativitätstheorie (Gemeinverständlich). Braunschweig: Friedr. Vieweg & Sohn.

[6] Einstein, A. (1920). Relativity: The Special and the General Theory (A Popular Exposition) (R. W. Lawson, Trans.). London: Methuen & Co. Ltd.

[7] Nolte, D. D. (2018). Galileo Unbound. A Path Across Life, the Universe and Everything. (Oxford University Press)

[8] Nolte, D. D. (2019). Introduction to Modern Dynamics: Chaos, Networks, Space and Time (Oxford University Press).

Read more in Books by David Nolte at Oxford University Press.

The Ubiquitous George Uhlenbeck

There are sometimes individuals who seem always to find themselves at the focal points of their times.  The physicist George Uhlenbeck was one of these individuals, showing up at all the right times in all the right places at the dawn of modern physics in the 1920’s and 1930’s. He studied under Ehrenfest and Bohr and Born, and he was friends with Fermi and Oppenheimer and Oskar Klein.  He taught physics at the universities at Leiden, Michigan, Utrecht, Columbia, MIT and Rockefeller.  He was a wide-ranging theoretical physicist who worked on Brownian motion, early string theory, quantum tunneling, and the master equation.  Yet he is most famous for the very first thing he did as a graduate student—the discovery of the quantum spin of the electron.

Electron Spin

G. E. Uhlenbeck, and S. Goudsmit, “Spinning electrons and the structure of spectra,” Nature 117, 264-265 (1926).

George Uhlenbeck (1900 – 1988) was born in the Dutch East Indies, the son of a family with a long history in the Dutch military [1].  After the father retired to The Hague, George was expected to follow the family tradition into the military, but he stumbled onto a copy of H. Lorentz’ introductory physics textbook and was hooked.  Unfortunately, to attend university in the Netherlands at that time required knowledge of Greek and Latin, which he lacked, so he entered the Institute of Technology in Delft to study chemical engineering.  He found the courses dreary. 

Fortunately, he was only a few months into his first semester when the language requirement was dropped, and he immediately transferred to the University of Leiden to study physics.  He tried to read Boltzmann, but found him opaque, but then read the famous encyclopedia article by the husband and wife team of Paul and Tatiana Ehrenfest on statistical mechanics (see my Physics Today article [2]), which became his lifelong focus.

After graduating, he continued into graduate school, taking classes from Ehrenfest, but lacking funds, he supported himself by teaching classes at a girls high school, until he heard of a job tutoring the son of the Dutch ambassador to Italy.  He was off to Rome for three years, where he met Enrico Fermi and took classes from Tullio Bevi-Cevita and Vito Volterra.

However, he nearly lost his way.  Surrounded by the rich cultural treasures of Rome, he became deeply interested in art and was seriously considering giving up physics and pursuing a degree in art history.  When Ehrenfest got wind of this change in heart, he recalled Uhlenbeck in 1925 to the Netherlands and shrewdly paired him up with another graduate student, Samuel Goudsmit, to work on a new idea proposed by Wolfgang Pauli a few months earlier on the exclusion principle.

Pauli had explained the filling of the energy levels of atoms by introducing a new quantum number that had two values.  Once an energy level was filled by two electrons, each carrying one of the two quantum numbers, this energy level “excluded” any further filling by other electrons. 

To Uhlenbeck, these two quantum numbers seemed as if they must arise from some internal degree of freedom, and in a flash of insight he imagined that it might be caused if the electron were spinning.  Since spin was a form of angular momentum, the spin degree of freedom would combine with orbital angular momentum to produce a composite angular momentum for the quantum levels of atoms.

The idea of electron spin was not immediately embraced by the broader community, and Bohr and Heisenberg and Pauli had their reservations.  Fortunately, they all were traveling together to attend the 50th anniversary of Lorentz’ doctoral examination and were met at the train station in Leiden by Ehrenfest and Einstein.  As usual, Einstein had grasped the essence of the new physics and explained how the moving electron feels an induced magnetic field which would act on the magnetic moment of the electron to produce spin-orbit coupling.  With that, Bohr was convinced.

Uhlenbeck and Goudsmit wrote up their theory in a short article in Nature, followed by a short note by Bohr.  A few months later, L. H. Thomas, while visiting Bohr in Copenhagen, explained the factor of two that appears in (what later came to be called) Thomas precession of the electron, cementing the theory of electron spin in the new quantum mechanics.

5-Dimensional Quantum Mechanics

P. Ehrenfest, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “Graphical illustration of De Broglie’s phase waves in the five-dimensional world of O Klein,” Zeitschrift Fur Physik 39, 495-498 (1926).

Around this time, the Swedish physicist Oskar Klein visited Leiden after returning from three years at the University of Michigan where he had taken advantage of the isolation to develop a quantum theory of 5-dimensional spacetime.  This was one of the first steps towards a grand unification of the forces of nature since there was initial hope that gravity and electromagnetism might both be expressed in terms of the five-dimensional space.

An unusual feature of Klein’s 5-dimensional relativity theory was the compactness of the fifth dimension, in which it was “rolled up” into a kind of high-dimensional string with a tiny radius.  If the 4-dimensional theory of spacetime was sometimes hard to visualize, here was an even tougher problem.

Uhlenbeck and Ehrenfest met often with Klein during his stay in Leiden, discussing the geometry and consequences of the 5-dimensional theory.  Ehrenfest was always trying to get at the essence of physical phenomena in the simplest terms.  His famous refrain was “Was ist der Witz?” (What is the point?) [1].  These discussions led to a simple paper in Zeitschrift für Physik published later that year in 1926 by Ehrenfest and Uhlenbeck with the compelling title “Graphical Illustration of De Broglie’s Phase Waves in the Five-Dimensional World of O Klein”.  The paper provided the first visualization of the 5-dimensional spacetime with the compact dimension.  The string-like character of the spacetime was one of the first forays into modern day “string theory” whose dimensions have now expanded to 11 from 5.

During his visit, Klein also told Uhlenbeck about the relativistic Schrödinger equation that he was working on, which would later become the Klein-Gordon equation.  This was a near miss, because what the Klein-Gordon equation was missing was electron spin—which Uhlenbeck himself had introduced into quantum theory—but it would take a few more years before Dirac showed how to incorporate spin into the theory.

Brownian Motion

G. E. Uhlenbeck and L. S. Ornstein, “On the theory of the Brownian motion,” Physical Review 36, 0823-0841 (1930).

After spending time with Bohr in Copenhagen while finishing his PhD, Uhlenbeck visited Max Born at Göttingen where he met J. Robert Oppenheimer who was also visiting Born at that time.  When Uhlenbeck traveled to the United States in late summer of 1927 to take a position at the University of Michigan, he was met at the dock in New York by Oppenheimer.

Uhlenbeck was a professor of physics at Michigan for eight years from 1927 to 1935, and he instituted a series of Summer Schools [3] in theoretical physics that attracted international participants and introduced a new generation of American physicists to the rigors of theory that they previously had to go to Europe to find. 

In this way, Uhlenbeck was part of a great shift that occurred in the teaching of graduate-level physics of the 1930’s that brought European expertise to the United States.  Just a decade earlier, Oppenheimer had to go to Göttingen to find the kind of education that he needed for graduate studies in physics.  Oppenheimer brought the new methods back with him to Berkeley, where he established a strong theory department to match the strong experimental activities of E. O. Lawrence.  Now, European physicists too were coming to America, an exodus accelerated by the increasing anti-Semitism in Europe under the rise of fascism. 

During this time, one of Uhlenbeck’s collaborators was L. S. Ornstein, the director of the Physical Laboratory at the University of Utrecht and a founding member of the Dutch Physical Society.  Uhlenbeck and Ornstein were both interested in the physics of Brownian motion, but wished to establish the phenomenon on a more sound physical basis.  Einstein’s famous paper of 1905 on Brownian motion had made several Einstein-style simplifications that stripped the complicated theory to its bare essentials, but had lost some of the details in the process, such as the role of inertia at the microscale.

Uhlenbeck and Ornstein published a paper in 1930 that developed the stochastic theory of Brownian motion, including the effects of particle inertia. The stochastic differential equation (SDE) for velocity is

where γ is viscosity, Γ is a fluctuation coefficient, and dw is a “Wiener process”. The Wiener differential dw has unusual properties such that

Uhlenbeck and Ornstein solived this SDE to yield an average velocity

which decays to zero at long times, and a variance

that asymptotes to a finite value at long times. The fluctuation coefficient is thus given by

for a process with characteristic speed v0. An estimate for the fluctuation coefficient can be obtained by considering the force F on an object of size a

For instance, for intracellular transport [4], the fluctuation coefficient has a rough value of Γ = 2 Hz μm2/sec2.

Quantum Tunneling

D. M. Dennison and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “The two-minima problem and the ammonia molecule,” Physical Review 41, 313-321 (1932).

By the early 1930’s, quantum tunnelling of the electron through classically forbidden regions of potential energy was well established, but electrons did not have a monopoly on quantum effects.  Entire atoms—electrons plus nucleus—also have quantum wave functions and can experience regions of classically forbidden potential.

Uhlenbeck, with David Dennison, a fellow physicist at Ann Arbor, Michigan, developed the first quantum theory of molecular tunneling for the molecular configuration of ammonia NH3 that can tunnel between the two equivalent configurations. Their use of the WKB approximation in the paper set the standard for subsequent WKB approaches that would play an important role in the calculation of nuclear decay rates.

Master Equation

A. Nordsieck, W. E. Lamb, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “On the theory of cosmic-ray showers I. The furry model and the fluctuation problem,” Physica 7, 344-360 (1940)

In 1935, Uhlenbeck left Michigan to take up the physics chair recently vacated by Kramers at Utrecht.  However, watching the rising Nazism in Europe, he decided to return to the United States, beginning as a visiting professor at Columbia University in New York in 1940.  During his visit, he worked with W. E. Lamb and A. Nordsieck on the problem of cosmic ray showers. 

Their publication on the topic included a rate equation that is encountered in a wide range of physical phenomena. They called it the “Master Equation” for ease of reference in later parts of the paper, but this phrase stuck, and the “Master Equation” is now a standard tool used by physicists when considering the balances among multiples transitions.

Uhlenbeck never returned to Europe, moving among Michigan, MIT, Princeton and finally settling at Rockefeller University in New York from where he retired in 1971.

By David D. Nolte, April 24, 2024

Selected Works by George Uhlenbeck:

G. E. Uhlenbeck, and S. Goudsmit, “Spinning electrons and the structure of spectra,” Nature 117, 264-265 (1926).

P. Ehrenfest, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “On the connection of different methods of solution of the wave equation in multi dimensional spaces,” Proceedings of the Koninklijke Akademie Van Wetenschappen Te Amsterdam 29, 1280-1285 (1926).

P. Ehrenfest, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “Graphical illustration of De Broglie’s phase waves in the five-dimensional world of O Klein,” Zeitschrift Fur Physik 39, 495-498 (1926).

G. E. Uhlenbeck, and L. S. Ornstein, “On the theory of the Brownian motion,” Physical Review 36, 0823-0841 (1930).

D. M. Dennison, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “The two-minima problem and the ammonia molecule,” Physical Review 41, 313-321 (1932).

E. Fermi, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “On the recombination of electrons and positrons,” Physical Review 44, 0510-0511 (1933).

A. Nordsieck, W. E. Lamb, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “On the theory of cosmic-ray showers I The furry model and the fluctuation problem,” Physica 7, 344-360 (1940).

M. C. Wang, and G. E. Uhlenbeck, “On the Theory of the Brownian Motion-II,” Reviews of Modern Physics 17, 323-342 (1945).

G. E. Uhlenbeck, “50 Years of Spin – Personal Reminiscences,” Physics Today 29, 43-48 (1976).

Notes:

[1] George Eugene Uhlenbeck: A Biographical Memoire by George Ford (National Academy of Sciences, 2009). https://www.nasonline.org/publications/biographical-memoirs/memoir-pdfs/uhlenbeck-george.pdf

[2] D. D. Nolte, “The tangled tale of phase space,” Physics Today 63, 33-38 (2010).

[3] One of these was the famous 1948 Summer School session where Freeman Dyson met Julian Schwinger after spending days on a cross-country road trip with Richard Feynman. Schwinger and Feynman had developed two different approaches to quantum electrodynamics (QED), which Dyson subsequently reconciled when he took up his position later that year at Princeton’s Institute for Advanced Study, helping to launch the wave of QED that spread out over the theoretical physics community.

[4] D. D. Nolte, “Coherent light scattering from cellular dynamics in living tissues,” Reports on Progress in Physics 87 (2024).


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